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A Value Claim: What is the Value of Art? Background: A value claim is an argumentative research paper which makes a qualifiable assertion; in other words, it is an argument (claim) about a moral, aesthetic, or philosophical topic (value). Assignment: Although most people think they know what art is, they are often at a loss to define it. What is art? Write a value claim essay that defines art and offers an answer to the following question: What is the moral, aesthetic, or philosophical value of art? Advice: There are several ways to approach this assignment—there is no one correct answer—it all depends on how well you communicate your points. You can focus your value claim on one artist, a type of art, type of music, a film director, a fashion designer, an architect, or whatever aspect of art you would like to examine. You can also write about one of the artists we discussed in class or any artist you would like to examine. Make sure you have a clear thesis (claim) to defend and that you demonstrate your topic (value) with concrete, detailed examples. You may draw those examples from the course readings; however, you must also cite at least four outside sources—at least two from the LBCC databases (newspapers, journals, e-books, videos) and at least two from the internet (websites, newspapers, blogs, videos, podcasts). There is no limit on the number of sources you can use—use however many you need to support your claim. Recommended MLA Guide: Purdue Owl Website (https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/purdue_owl.html) Criteria for Evaluation: How effectively you support your claim How effectively you analyze and evaluate your subject How effectively you examine multiple perspectives How effectively you demonstrate your points How effectively you employ critical thinking How effectively you describe your examples How effectively you edit your essay Format: MLA format, minimum of 5-7 pages of text, typed, double-spaced, Times or Times New Roman 12pt font, 1′ margins all around (top, bottom, left, right), and a Works Cited page Audience: This essay should be written in a formal tone for a college-educated audFrom Jay-Z to Dead Prez: Examining Representations of Black Masculinity in MainstreamVersus Underground Hip-Hop Music
Author(s): Crystal Belle
Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 45, No. 4 (MAY 2014), pp. 287-300
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24572849
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Journal of Black Studies
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Article Journal of Black Studies 2014, Vol. 45(4) 287-300 From Jay-Z to Dead Prez: Examining Representations of Black Masculinity in Mainstream Versus Underground Hip-Hop Music ί) The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0021934714528953 jbs.sagepub.com Crystal Belle1 Abstract The evolution of hip-hop music and culture has impacted the visibility of Black men and the Black male body. As hip-hop continues to become commercially viable, performances of Black masculinities can be easily found on magazine covers, television shows, and popular websites. How do these representations affect the collective consciousness of Black men, while helping to construct a particular brand of masculinity that plays into the White imagination? This theoretical article explores how representations of Black masculinity vary in underground versus mainstream hip-hop, stemming directly from White patriarchal ideals of manhood. Conceptual and theoretical analyses of songs from the likes of Jay-Z and Dead Prez and Imani Perry’s Prophets of the Hood help provide an understanding of the parallels between hip-hop performances/identities and Black masculinities. Keywords Black masculinity, hip-hop, patriarchy, manhood ‘Columbia University, New York, NY, USA Corresponding Author: Crystal Belle, PhD Candidate, English Education, Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 West 120th Street, New York, NY 10027, USA. Email: cb2847@tc.columbia.eduThis content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
288 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) Introduction to and Musings on Black in Hip-Hop What began as a lyrical movement in the South Bronx is now an international phenomenon. Hip-hop is a mélange of lyrical stimulation filled with meticu lous metaphors, tales from the ‘hood, and ruthless truth sayings about the social and economic injustices in the “land of the free.” Hip-hop is a popular music commodity for some, a creative canon for many, whose names we will never know, whose stories we will never hear. However, these dedicated lis teners find representations of themselves in the music, so they listen and lean on what is familiar: the rhythms, the beats, the rhymes, the style, the stories from urban culture that make them feel relevant. There is liberation in hip hop, in the sense that there is the freedom to tell one’s story in a non-conven tional way. In her book Prophets of the Hood (2004), Imani Perry posits that, “ideologically, hip hop allows for open discourse. Anything might be said, or, for that matter, contradicted” (p. 4). However, in what ways does this free dom of speech promote patriarchal, hegemonic views, which at the root is the antithesis of why the hip-hop movement began? I will explore this question throughout the article. Because Black males dominate hip-hop, I will examine representations of Black masculinity in mainstream versus underground hip-hop. Often, when I analyze hip-hop music and culture, the following questions come to mind: In what ways is masculinity performed? In what ways is race performed? How does the performance of race and masculinity impact Black male identity? These questions are pertinent to understanding the ways in which rappers play into stereotypical images of the Black male body in order to make profit. It is also important to take into account how much of these exploitative rep resentations of Black male bodies in hip-hop culture are internalized by youth and other Black men who may be in search of an understanding of who they are and where they come from. These internalizations are in fact destructive and further promote patriarchy, sexism, and racism. In his book, From Jim Crow to Jay-Z: Race, Rap and the Performance of Masculinity, Miles White (2011 ) claims “the ways in which rap has been perceived and consumed have arguably had a deleterious effect on how Black people are viewed not only in the United States but in other parts of the world” (p. 88). However, I argue that although in some ways, hip-hop is a microcosm of patriarchal and hege monic ideals promoting male domination physically, financially, and lyri cally, I also encourage listeners and critics to acknowledge the undeniable sense of freedom hip-hop manages to provide to Black men, particularly those from working class communities. It is a kind of freedom that is tied to intellectual growth and camaraderie. Jenkins (2006) discusses hip-hop’sThis content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Belle 289 merit as an article, “Mr. in American hip-hop includes American society. cized from institutions and local communities would not have an academic space to express themselves. Hip-hop critics argue that the music only promotes misogyny, sexism, homophobia, and blatant hypermasculine performances. There is certainly validity to these claims; nevertheless, these destructive elements are weaved into the fabric of this capitalist, patriarchal society. In her book, We Real Cool: Black Men and Masculinity (2003), bell hooks asserts “At the center of the way Black male selfhood is constructed in white-supremacist capitalist patriarchy is the image of the brute, untamed, uncivilized, unthinking and unfeeling,” (p. xii). Although I think hook’s description is embellished, while simplifying the complexity of Black masculinity construction in this country, I do agree that an unemotional persona lies at the heart of Black masculine performances. This is often an act, a performance of sorts that asserts a manhood that is dominant and deviant, attempting to define itself in a world that has often tried to deny the very existence of Black men. Sometimes in an attempt to rewrite one’s story, while invoking a painful history, African Americans struggle to posi tively see themselves under the gaze of white supremacy, similar to W. Ε. B. Du Bois’s (1997) notion of double-consciousness in his groundbreaking text, The Souls of Black Folk (2007). According to Du Bois, “the Negro is a sort of sev enth son, bom with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,—a world which yields him no hue self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world” (p. 5). Thus, with regard to Black masculinity, it is difficult to decipher what is real and what is merely a performance instigated by a white gaze. When I conceptualize Black masculinity in hip-hop, there is a merging of intellectualism and the clichéd “thug.” I use the term thug as a play on the stereotypical representations of Black men and masculinity in the media that present the image that Black men are too aggressive, violent, and angry. Rappers often exploit this stereotype, playing into the gaze of the White mainstream imagination in order to make profit. Intellectualism refers to the sophistication found in the lyrics of many mainstream hip-hop songs such as Jay-Z and Kanye West’s hit “Otis” (Jay-Z & West, 2011, track 4) when Jay-Z declares, “Build your fences, We diggin’ tunnels/Can’t you see? We gettin’ money up under you.” Through the use of wordplay, these lines connote the Underground Railroad and the luxuries of capitalism that dominate this soci ety. In many ways, Black masculinity in hip-hop music is a performance, aThis content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
290 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) playing up or down of preconceived notions of what man in America, and how that in turn, is tied to notions nomic status. Perry (2004) supports this notion when subject to manipulation and mediation by powerful (p. 29). However, the question Jenkins (2011) poses in Mind: Black Male Intellectual Identity and Hip-Hop sidered: “With all of the various ways that we can describe, tify Black men, why are there only a few, limited, and present in popular culture?” (p. 1239). Mainstream Versus Underground In hip-hop music and culture, there is a differentiation and underground music: White (2011) argues that “in are considerably made stark between music that is commercial and seen as having dubious social merit, to some higher moral or socially redemptive purpose” hip-hop refers to songs that cross over to White and receiving considerable radio play. Artists, who are considered are signed to major recording labels and often rap about lar: drugs, sex, crime, and violence. In the midst of music, every now and then, there are songs that veer resentations of Black masculinity and offer narratives and police brutality, as represented in a popular song the murder of unarmed African immigrant Amadou police officers. In one of the verses of the song, the You said he reached sir but he didn’t have no piece sir But now he rest in peace sir in the belly of the beast sir. (Jean, 2000, track 16) There is clearly a critique of the state throughout the song, exposing how the police racially profile Black men, often leading to acts of brutality that end in death. The repetition of the word “sir” is mocking of the police, while portraying the hierarchical system in place that sees Black men as inferior. Wyclef Jean, mostly known as a member of the popular rap group The Fugees, experienced commercial success as a solo artist, and his music had a clear balance between partying, personal stories, and the political. Unfortunately, artists who have such a balance in the mainstream world are becoming a rarity due to the demands ofThis content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Belle 291 record labels Black men become Because of profit from music emphasizes masculine behavior Nelson George hop culture note that sometimes artists are deprived communities masculinity One cannot thinking of through institutions be deviant of to control or Masculinity major social four cultural entertainment spectacle. In brand of masculinity, Due to many overwhelmingly tainment industries in hopes of one access to ing class communities and entertainers viduals, many accept their masculine and Black men are to be successful, requirements the Black community, contexts lends manhood. (Hunter This content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
292 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) Underground hip-hop refers to songs that do not cross part) to White and international audiences but remain avid listeners of hip-hop music and loyal to what is market. A mix tape is “a compilation of songs from onto a cassette tape or CD” (Mixtape, n.d.). Many artists mix tapes, which is a way to share new work, as opposed with other artists. Underground hip-hop artists use medium to promote their music. These mix tapes are ties by street vendors or in select local stores. Traditionally, hop artists are signed to independent labels and do radio play. In addition, their music videos are typically access channels, hip-hop websites, and underground radio underground is often attached to notions of authenticity sense that the music is real while focusing on issues ism, the problems with mainstream hip-hop, and Occasionally, an underground hip-hop artist or group mainstream, as was the case with the hip-hop band Philadelphia in 1987, The Roots created a local and national performing live shows. Unlike other hip-hop groups, due to their live band that combines jazz, soul, and such as Things Fall Apart (1999), Rising Down (2008), (2006), The Roots push their audience to think sociocritically gies that promote racism, sexism, and capitalism. Their They Do” (1996) parodies rap video clichés and begins of youth, mainstream hip-hop, and masculinity: Lost generation, fast paced nation World population confront they frustration The principles of true hip-hop have been forsaken It’s all contractual and about money makin Pretend-to-be cats don’t seem to know they limitation Exact replication and false representation You wanna be a man, then stand your own To MC requires skills, I demand some shown. (The Roots, The speaker cleverly paints a picture of the complexity ways that artists sell their souls for profit. Because the generation,” there is an implication that the youth need content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Belle 293 hip-hop than ties of working The critique into the fact which The Interestingly first album vividly remember to myself, shock to many hip-hop that This example represent a Although Illadelph Halflife, ties in their mainstream grew nationally representations against stereotypical In this example, audience, without wonder why it because they ing mainstream of Black masculinity Whatever the stream hip-what would matter regarding Jay-Z, Manhood, In many ways, American dream of Bedford the underground trunk of his 2010, the rapper never imagined beginnings content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
294 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) hip-hop artist, his music was a tongue-twisting melody listeners to decipher his fast-hitting words. On one of songs “I Can’t Get With That” (1994) he contends, Straight to the track, my lyrics is phat, I rip it the hell—down More than a fluke, I’m regularly wreckin this joint so what—now With so many niggas that’s biting it’s harder to detect who I be Well check out the J, check out the A, check out the Υ, Ζ Original rap, I’m makin it slap, I’m hemmin it up like that Stingin it, strikin it, swingin it fat, Bring it back. (Jay, Z, 1994, Track 1) One can see the trope of authenticity in hip-hop and the desires of Black men to determine who the “real man” is. Jay-Z clearly makes a distinction between himself and other rappers who “bite” off of others. “Biting” refers to stealing someone else’s style, lyrically. In the hip-hop arena, imitation is not the best form of flattery; it is actually considered theft, non-masculine, and “weak.” Yet still, there is something powerful about the way Jay-Z manages to put his rhymes together, so fluidly and meticulously. White (2011) argues that Jay-Z’s “rhythmic flow is unorthodox, athletic and dexterous, often using multiple meters of mixing them all up, jumping over bar lines as if they were prison bars trying to pen him in” (p. 83). Jay-Z’s flow, from the very begin ning of his career, was unique, standing out from typical hip-hop lyrical styles. He could command an audience, due to his confident nature and fast paced lyrics. Another trope that is evident in the song is the reference to “original rap,” a common theme in underground hip-hop as expressed in the music of The Roots. Unlike The Roots, however, Jay-Z’s lyrics and performances did not remain true to “original rap.” Once Jay-Z became a mainstream success with the debut of his first album Reasonable Doubt in 1996, he became more per formative in nature, acting out stereotypical images of Black masculinity inThis content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Belle 295 hip-hop. His dealer, particularly Presidents” ground drug stream success. hustling paid ground artist. Black male identity has been under constant surveillance dating back to slavery and even more so with hip-hop and professional sports, where there are large numbers of Black male performers and players. The construction of identity is relational to constructions of masculinity because “masculinity refers to the socially constructed characteristics that society expects for the male sex” (Lemelle, 2009, p. 3). I believe that Black masculinity in hip-hop is tied to these social constructs with regard to manhood, as well as socially constructed and racialized perceptions of Black men who represent “the bad man” or “the trickster.” The subversive nature of hip-hop music, which Perry (2004) defines as examples of the tropes of the “trickster” in African American oral traditions, helps further define performances of Black mascu linity. Subversive lyrics that incorporate popular terms like hammer (code for gun) or let’s slide (code for sexual intimacy) embody a connection to Black working class life, in which language is constantly being recreated. Jay-Z is notorious for his play on words, as well as his use of coded lan guage, representative of urban communities like Bedford Stuyvesant, Brooklyn. One can think of it as a Black masculinity secret society that although available for consumption to mainstream culture, still manages to incorporate code words that only those germane to working class communi ties can understand. Signifying is an essential component of hip-hop music. As Gates (1989) explains, signifying is a way of saying one thing and mean ing another. In many ways, it opens up a transformative space for emcees to bring in cultural and historical links to their creativity. Overall, there are signifying displays of Black masculinity in hip-hop that are simultaneously public and interior. One of Jay-Z’s most popular songs at the height of his mainstream reign and domination was “99 Problems” (2003), in which the chorus boasts, “If you’re having girl problems I feel bad for you son/I got 99 problems but a bitch ain’t one”. When you hear the chorus, you would imagine the narrative in the song to be purely misogynistic. However, the song actually flips the popular title on its head, addressing problems Black men face such as racial profiling and hip-hop critics who claim mainstream rappers are not making “real music.” Yet still, there are examples of hypermasculinify and violence throughout the song as expressed in the third verse:This content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
296 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) Now once upon a time not too long ago A nigga like myself had to strong arm a hoe This is not a hoe in the sense of having a pussy But a pussy having no God Damn sense, try and push me I tried to ignore him and talk to the Lord Pray for him, cause some fools just love to perform You know the type loud as a motor bike But wouldn’t bust a grape in a fruit fight. (Jay-Z, 2003, In the song, a man is identified as being “a pussy” bravado. Because the said man would not “bust a grape suggestion is that he is not a man, because he cannot another man. Often in mainstream hip-hop, one has to committing violent acts in order to maintain his “street “street credibility” by being hyperviolent, homophobic, while degrading women. Thus, we can see that someone hip-hop world as Jay-Z often succumbs to these performances culinity in order to make profit. The performances are another way of hustling and embodying the trickster. particular verse is when the speaker says “some fools . .it is almost as if Jay-Z is aware of his own performance, that of another Black man. However, the fact that he that denounces women in order to discuss the daily America, exemplifies a homosocial bonding with other the music as expressed here, “And I heard Son do you ping you for?/Cause I’m young and I’m Black and my 2003, track 9). However, the question I am left pondering marginal spaces for women in hip-hop impact Black male subjectivity? Dead Prez: Revolutionary but Gangsta Dead Prez is a hip-hop duo that formed in New York in their revolutionary declarations and social justice themed although known internationally, is still considered more hop group because their music is not often played on television stations. The duo denounces corporate control culture, while rhyming about the concept of true freedom This content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Belle 297 It is not shocking Dead Prez. to this duo existence. The duo met views and mances is a often burn American identifies Because these ple turn away they offer movement hip-hop music. One of Dead (2000) offers music: One thing ‘Got us slavin Aint no food, I’m down for This fake ass Really though, It’s just a game And it’s all The speaker live in working ously frustrated over talent, perpetuating that “real music is not privileged economic (1996) features underground content downloaded from 207.233.64.121 on Thu, 07 May 2020 07:22:59 UTCAll use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
298 Journal of Black Studies 45(4) name as a way to degrade the racist, capitalist workings These two contradictory representations of Black masculinity opposing viewpoints found within mainstream and underground Another less popular song from their debut album, includes a lyrically packed criticism of public schools Why haven’t you learned anything? Man that school shit is a joke The same people who control the school system control The prison system, and the whole social system Ever since slavery, nawsayin’? (Prez, 2000, Track 3) The historically driven song discusses the ways in which status quo, perpetuating social, state, and governmental providing lackluster educations to inner city youth. “They Schools,” referencing the fact that public schools ernment and not the people. Once again, Dead Prez culinity that encourages Black people to take control and schools as a way of achieving true freedom. Unlike the music