European Colonization of The New World I upload the requirements and materials below. Do not use other resources online, and no need citation page. Just po

European Colonization of The New World I upload the requirements and materials below. Do not use other resources online, and no need citation page. Just point out where the quote from . The 1556 pdf is requiements and 1557 pdf is hand out materials. The other two are books you need. RACISM
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PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
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PRINCETON AND OXFORD
GEORGE M. FREDRICKSON
RACISM
A Short
History
with a new foreword by Albert M. Camarillo
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Copyright © 2002 by Princeton University Press
Foreword to the Princeton Classics Edition Copyright
© 2015 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,
Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press,
6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW
All Rights Reserved
First Princeton Classics edition printing, with a new foreword by Albert M.
Camarillo, 2015
Paperback ISBN 978-0-691-16705-3
Printed on acid-free paper. ?
press.princeton.edu
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
5
For
Donald Fleming,
mentor and
friend
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CONTENTS
FOREWORD TO THE PRINCETON CLASSICS EDITION
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
INTRODUCTION
ONE
Religion and the Invention of Racism
TWO
The Rise of Modern Racism(s): White Supremacy and
Antisemitism in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries
THREE
Climax and Retreat: Racism in the Twentieth Century
EPILOGUE
Racism at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century
APPENDIX
The Concept of Racism in Historical Discourse
NOTES
INDEX
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FOREWORD TO THE
PRINCETON CLASSICS EDITION
Racism: A Short History, published in 2002, was among the last of the
many books written by George M. Fredrickson in a long and distinguished
career. One of the great historians of his generation and an internationally
renowned author, Fredrickson—a dear friend and colleague of mine for
over twenty-five years—could not have written Racism early in his career.
This seminal overview, a history about shifting ideologies and practices
that hinged on ideas about difference and power and the incalculable
misery they afflicted on the human condition through the ages, was the
product and synthesis of a lifetime of research, teaching, and thinking
about the origins of racism. For more than four decades, Fredrickson’s
major contributions on the topic influenced two generations of students
and colleagues alike. I remember well, when I was a new graduate student
in 1970–71 with a keen interest in the history of race relations in America,
that my understanding about the intellectual foundations of racial thought
was deeply influenced by Fredrickson’s second book, The Black Image in
the White Mind (1971). And I, like others who were curious about racism
as a transnational phenomenon, found in his third major book, White
Supremacy: A Comparative Study of American and South African History
(1981), path breaking perspectives on how ideologies of difference based
on a white/black paradigm created societies where race defined one’s life
chances from birth to death.
Fredrickson joined the Stanford Department of History faculty in 1984,
and a few years later we began a decade long collaboration, co-teaching a
course on race in the American experience. I viewed firsthand how
Fredrickson continued to refine his thinking about race as an idea: its
origins, continuities, and changes across time and space. Racism: A Short
History was, thus, the culmination of Fredrickson’s lifelong intellectual
journey as a historian in pursuit of understanding how ideas about race
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evolved and infected modern western societies. The publication of the
Princeton Classics edition of Racism is testament to the durable intellectual
contributions made by George M. Fredrickson in the study of race and its
byproducts.
Although I first met Fredrickson when he was a Northwestern
University professor visiting Stanford as a fellow at the Center for
Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in 1977–78, it was not until he
joined the Stanford faculty that I learned how his personal experiences
with race relations were intimately linked to his academic interests. Born
in Connecticut but raised in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, he attended
Harvard University for both his undergraduate and graduate studies.
Fredrickson was among the hundreds of white college students who
traveled to the South to support civil rights efforts during some of the most
violent years of struggle for African Americans. Later, as a young faculty
member at Northwestern, he supported the rights of students to
demonstrate peacefully against the war in Southeast Asia and was a strong
advocate for the development of Black Studies on campus. When I learned
about this personal background, I came to understand better the passion
that he brought to the study of race, an intellectual passion shaped in part
by his personal commitment to racial equality.
Fredrickson’s reputation as one of the premier comparative historians
of race—and comparative history in general—was cemented with the
publication of White Supremacy, which won the Merle Curti Award from
the Organization of American Historians and the Ralph Waldo Emerson
Award from the Phi Beta Kappa Society, and was a finalist for the Pulitzer
Prize in 1982. Anchored by his masterful understanding of slavery and
white/black relations in the American South, Fredrickson ventured into
South African history to produce a brilliant comparative analysis. With
great clarity and insight, White Supremacy is a model for comparative
historians to follow. Fredrickson’s book illuminates how different national
histories and circumstances, the role of federal governments and their
institutional policies, framed by ideologies about racial differences,
combined to form two distinctive systems of race relations across the
Atlantic. White Supremacy was the springboard in Fredrickson’s
continuing search for understanding the origins of racial thought beyond
national, cultural, and religious boundaries.
In 1988, seventeen of Fredrickson’s essays and articles, most of which
were written during the previous twenty years and based on research for
The Black Image in the White Mind and White Supremacy, were published
as The Arrogance of Race: Historical Perspectives on Slavery, Racism,
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and Social Inequality. This collection delves deeper into some issues not
fully explored in his two previous books and, in the author’s words, was
intended to provide commentary on other historians’ interpretations so as
to engage “dialogue and debate among scholars [because] it is not only
healthy but also indispensable to the historical enterprise.” The book was,
he said, “my contribution to the ongoing discussion of the role of ‘race’ in
American history.” Again, Fredrickson’s scholarship reflected a personal
concern for social inequality, whether in the U.S., South Africa, or
elsewhere. Placing racial inequality in the broader context of class
inequality framed by Marxian analyses, Fredrickson stated in the
introduction of the book both his theoretical stance and his personal
abhorrence for racism under any regime:
I regard racial injustice as a distinctive evil, more heinous than the
class inequality found in liberal capitalist societies. What occurred
in the American South during the era of slavery and segregation,
what is occurring now in South Africa, and—to take the extreme
case of racism carried to its logical conclusion—what happened in
Germany during World War II make it hard to deny that demoting
other people from the ranks of humanity on grounds of race or
ethnicity, and treating them accordingly, is a sin of unique and
horrendous character. (The Arrogance of Race, 7)
Obviously, the death knell of apartheid in South Africa weighed heavily on
his mind in 1988. The end of this system of racial inequality in the early
1990s prompted Fredrickson to broaden his analysis of racism as a concept
and as a system of social relations. So, too, did teaching courses at
Stanford University on comparative studies of race and ethnicity in
America and sharing ideas with colleagues whose work also focused on
race and ethnic relations. By co-teaching courses with him throughout the
1990s and co-sponsoring a faculty seminar, I witnessed firsthand how
Fredrickson expanded the scope and chronology for understanding racism
and its various effects on groups in the U.S. and elsewhere.
In the early 1990s, Fredrickson and I co-taught “Race and Ethnicity in
the American Experience,” a survey course that examined how ideologies
of race were manifest in societal institutions and policies that shaped the
socioeconomic status of communities of color in North America from the
colonial era (British and Spanish) through the twentieth century.
Fredrickson primarily focused on the African American and Native
American experience through the nineteenth century, and I examined the
experiences of Asians, Southern and Eastern Europeans, and Mexicans in
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the twentieth century. We designed the course to emphasize comparisons
between and among groups and, in the process, we both sharpened our
respective analyses of how dominant conceptions about racial differences
defined various group experiences in different regions of the nation over
time. This course morphed into another course we developed and cotaught in the late 1990s, “Comparative Perspectives on Race and
Ethnicity,” which introduced students to multidisciplinary and interpretive
approaches based on lectures from dozens of Stanford faculty across the
disciplines (the content of the lectures for this course eventually resulted in
the publication of Doing Race: 21 Essays in the Twentieth First Century,
edited by Paula Moya and Hazel Markus, 2010). These courses, which we
offered for more than a decade, were influenced by our participation in a
Mellon Foundation–supported, interdisciplinary faculty seminar on
“Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity” that Fredrickson and I cosponsored from 1992 to 1994. These seminars provoked us all to think
more broadly and comparatively about our own perspectives on historical
and contemporary issues involving race and ethnicity and to learn from
colleagues across the disciplines.
The Mellon seminars on “Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity”
also played a key role in establishing the intellectual foundations for a new
center at Stanford with the same title. Not surprisingly, Fredrickson was
one of the principal founders of the Center for Comparative Studies in
Race and Ethnicity in 1996 (he served as the co-director of the center’s
Research Institute with Claude Steele, the renowned social psychologist,
and I served as the center’s director). In addition to the undergraduate
degree programs CCSRE offers, its Research Institute sponsors
conferences, colloquia, fellowships for graduate students and visiting
scholars, and an ongoing seminar series. These seminars provided many
faculty affiliated with the center, Fredrickson among them, an opportunity
to introduce their current work. Indeed, the genesis of his Racism: A Short
History can be traced in part to a seminar paper he presented at the first
CCSRE seminar. He published a revised version of this paper as chapter
five (“Understanding Racism: Reflections of a Comparative Historian”) in
The Comparative Imagination: On the History of Racism, Nationalism,
and Social Movements (University of California Press, 1997). This book in
general provided much of the groundwork over the next several years for
the writing of Racism.
Invited to present a series of talks as part of the Princeton University
Public Lecture Series, Fredrickson used this opportunity to draft the
manuscript for Racism. The book demonstrates the genius of a master
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scholar reflecting on his lifelong work on the study of racial inequality
from comparative perspectives. He drew heavily on his pioneering work
on slavery and racism in the American South and his comparative analyses
of apartheid in South Africa to describe what he refers to as “overtly racist
regimes.” He adds Hitler’s Germany to this category, and in so doing
opens the door to exploring the roots of antisemitism in Europe during the
Middle Ages. Fredrickson’s conception of racial inequality and racism, as
ideology and practice in
Western societies over the past half millennium, thus is based on three
primary components: ideas of racial purity, cultural essentialism or
particularism, and a “them” vs. “us” mindset in which difference and
power (and powerlessness) structured racist regimes. He poignantly states
that “Deterministic cultural particularism can do the work of biological
racism quite effectively,” and in using this framework, he shows how
American, German, and South African nationalism produced regimes that
segregated and annihilated populations deemed culturally and/or
inherently racially different.
Interestingly, his starting point for identifying the origins of racism was
the religious/cultural persecution of Jews in Medieval Europe. Although
antisemitism in the Middle Ages did not encompass a racialization of Jews
in the modern sense, demonization, prejudice, and views of Jews as
antithetical to Christians formed, Fredrickson claims, a fundamental part
of the edifice of racism as he defines it. He noted, importantly, that “If
racial antisemitism had medieval antecedents in the tendency to see Jews
as agents of the devil and thus, for all practical purposes, beyond
redemption and outside the circle of Christian fellowship, the other
principal form of modern racism—the color-coded, white-over-black
variety—did not have significant medieval roots.” (26) Fredrickson
astutely traces how ideas about difference beginning with the age of
discovery were affected by religious traditions, slavery, and encounters of
European colonizers with indigenous peoples of the New World and with
Africans. Consequently, as he points outs, not all of the people of color
encountered by Europeans met a similar fate. But once color-coded racism
joined hands with deterministic cultural particularism and, as Fredrickson
notes, was “emancipated from Christian universalism” and “disassociated
from traditionalist conceptions of social hierarchy,” the full force of
modern racism took hold and characterized various racist societal regimes.
(47)
The chronological and thematic organization of Racism follows
Fredrickson’s conceptions of how racism, in its various guises, developed
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in different societies over time. Thus, he begins Part I with an essay on
“Religion and the Invention of Racism,” and Part II examines “The Rise of
Modern Racisms” in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Part III
focuses on both the apex and decline of racist regimes in the twentieth
century. He concludes the book with a poignant commentary about the
legacies of “Racism at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century” and an
appendix that provides a useful discussion of historiography.
For any scholar who engages in the study of race and racism, George
M. Fredrickson’s Racism: A Short History is the necessary starting point.
With its publication as part of a stellar collection of “classic” books
reissued by Princeton University Press, Racism will continue to be read
and appreciated as a foundational contribution from a master of his craft.
Albert M. Camarillo
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In the course of carrying this project to fruition I have acquired many
debts. To Professor Constantin Fasolt of the University of Chicago I owe
the original suggestion that I write a short book on racism in world
historical perspective. Although I did not in the end fulfill his hope that I
would contribute such a volume to a series he edits, I would not have been
emboldened to undertake something of this breadth without his initial
encouragement. I want to thank the Princeton University Public Lectures
Committee and Professor Nancy Weiss Malkiel, Dean of the Faculty, for
inviting me to give the series of lectures on which this book is based.
Brigitta van Rheinberg of Princeton University Press guided this work
from the beginning and made valuable recommendations concerning
structure and emphasis. Providing very helpful critiques of all or part of
the manuscript at various stages of development were Benjamin Braude,
Sean Dobson, John Cell, Norman Naimark, David Nirenberg, John
Torpey, Eric Weitz, Howard Winant, and John Worth. These eminent
scholars of course bear no responsibility for any errors that remain. David
Holland provided invaluable assistance in helping me to prepare the
manuscript for publication.
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RACISM
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INTRODUCTION
The term “racism” is often used in a loose and unreflective way to describe
the hostile or negative feelings of one ethnic group or “people” toward
another and the actions resulting from such attitudes. But sometimes the
antipathy of one group toward another is expressed and acted upon with a
single-mindedness and brutality that go far beyond the group-centered
prejudice and snobbery that seem to constitute an almost universal human
failing. Hitler invoked racist theories to justify his genocidal treatment of
European Jewry, as did white supremacists in the American South to
explain why Jim Crow laws were needed to keep whites and blacks
separated and unequal.
The climax of the history of racism came in the twentieth century in the
rise and fall of what I will call “overtly racist regimes.” In the American
South, the passage of segregation laws and restrictions on black voting
rights reduced African Americans to lower-caste status, despite the
constitutional amendments that had made them equal citizens. Extreme
racist propaganda, which represented black males as ravening beasts
lusting after white women, served to rationalize the practice of lynching.
These extralegal executions were increasingly reserved for blacks accused
of offenses against the color line, and they became more brutal and sadistic
as time went on; by the early twentieth century victims were likely to be
tortured to death rather than simply killed. A key feature of the racist
regime maintained by state law in the South was a fear of sexual
contamination through rape or intermarriage, which led to efforts to
prevent the conjugal union of whites with those with any known or
discernible African ancestry.
The effort to guarantee “race purity” in the American South anticipated
aspects of the official Nazi persecution of Jews in the 1930s. The
Nuremberg Laws of 1935 prohibited intermarriage or sexual relations
between Jews and gentiles, and the propaganda surrounding the legislation
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emphasized the sexual threat that predatory Jewish males presented to
German womanhood and the purity of German blood. Racist ideology was
of course eventually carried to a more extreme point in Nazi Germany than
in the American South of the Jim Crow era. Individual blacks had been
hanged or burned to death by the lynch mobs to serve as examples to
ensure that the mass of southern African Americans would scrupulously
respect the color line. But it took Hitler and the Nazis to attempt the
extermination of an entire ethnic group on the basis of a racist ideology.
Hitler, it has been said, gave racism a bad name. The moral revulsion of
people throughout the world against what the Nazis did, reinforced by
scientific studies undermining racist genetics (or eugenics), served to
discredit the scientific racism that had been respectable and influential in
the United States and Europe before the Second World War. But explicit
racism also came under devastating attack by the new nations resulting
from the decolonization of Africa and Asia and their representatives in the
United Nations. The civil rights movement in the United States, which
succeeded in outlawing legalized racial segregation and discrimination in
the 1960s, was a beneficiary of revulsion against the Holocaust as the
logical extreme of racism. But it also drew crucial support from the
growing sense that national interests were threatened when blacks in the
United States were mistreated and abused. In the competition with the
Soviet Union for “the hearts and minds” of …
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