AHAMFS Human Services and The Prisoner Reentry Industry Discussion Discussion week 4 -assignment1400 words no plagiarize, spell check, and check your gramm

AHAMFS Human Services and The Prisoner Reentry Industry Discussion Discussion week 4 -assignment1400 words no plagiarize, spell check, and check your grammar. Please use the references below. Be mindful of grammar, and apa FORMAT. time new romans 12-double space Literature Review Conduct a review of literature related to the unique needs of providing service to clients who have been incarcerated or have criminal charges pending. Analyze the challenges a human services provider would have in providing services to these clients. Include in your analysis any potential ethical issues you might face in providing services. Identify how you would manage or address these issues. Your paper should be 1,400-words (5-pages) in length and should be supported by two scholarly sources. APA 6th edition format is required for this assignment References https://www.csh.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/NYC_SHTaskForce_JusticeRecommendations_4.26.16.pdf Speck, E. (2010). Human services and the prisoner reentry industry. Dialectical Anthropology, 34(4), 483-490. doi:http://dx.doi.org.proxy-library.ashford.edu/10.100… Dialect Anthropol (2010) 34:483–490
DOI 10.1007/s10624-010-9168-8
Human services and the prisoner reentry industry
Elizabeth Speck
Published online: 3 April 2010
Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
Abstract What is really going on today when men and women coming out of
prison go to work in human services—the positive, the negative, and the not easily
categorized? This commentary draws critical connections between reentry industrial
complex, human services workforce development, and race. Preliminary findings
are offered from a pilot study that elicited perspective from human services professionals who have been formerly incarcerated. Directions for further exploration
of this phenomenon are proposed.
Keywords
Race
Prison reentry Human services Social services Diversity
As stated in the forum statement, the Prison Reentry Industrial Complex is in
operation when reentry organizations ‘‘fail to provide the kinds of skills and social
capital needed for [full integration into the economy], yet themselves hire large
numbers of former prisoners, usually at low wages.’’ Expand this concern to the
broad industry of human services, including but not limited to prison reentry
purposes, and we can see that there are caveats here as well. When viewed from a
limited perspective, it would seem that there is great individual and systemic
promise in former prisoners finding employment in human services: this work can
offer a steady paycheck (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2009), a professional
community, and an adult altruistic role. Sometimes, the altruistic role is
characterized as ‘‘the chance to give back.’’ Yet many people emerge from
incarceration having not only served their time but having substantially ‘‘given’’ to
fellow inmates and prison administration through informal and formal counseling
E. Speck (&)
Fielding Graduate University, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
e-mail: especk@email.fielding.edu
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and advocacy.1 What is really going on today when men and women coming out of
prison go to work in human services—the positive, the negative, and the not easily
categorized?
Upon critical analysis, we can make connections to a long-standing trend in the
human services sector, in which low-income people of color take on paraprofessional ambassadorial roles between higher-paid higher-educated professionals and
service-targeted communities. An example of this is the New Careers Program of
President Johnson’s War on Poverty in the 1960s. This federal initiative failed in its
intentions to create a career ladder for the poor, labeled ‘‘indigenous workers.’’
Instead, achievement of meaningful social and economic capital for these workers
was thwarted by territorialism from the developing credentialed field of social work,
a ‘‘reminder that the ideology of professionalization had the potential to undermine
social reform’’ (Armour 2002, p. 251). Today, racial disproportionality is often
accepted as a given in urban human services, with clientele who are people of color,
direct service workers on the lower end of the salary scale more likely to be people
of color, credentialed professionals at the higher end of the salary scale more likely
to be white, and board members more likely to be white.
There is currently growing critical reflection in the human services sector around
diversity and the way the United States’ foundation of structural inequality and
racism is reflected by and perpetuated in human service organizations (see for
example, National Association of Social Workers 2007; Blitz and Pender Greene
2006). Yet, incarceration history and criminal record are virtually absent in
mainstream discussions of diversity and inclusivity. Structural inequality has
ensured that today African-American and Latino people are overrepresented among
those directly affected by criminal prosecution and incarceration, and current policy
mandates that criminal records follow people long past relevance. Thus, it is crucial
to the achievement of true diversity in the human services workforce that
unproductive barriers to entry and advancement for people with criminal records or
incarceration histories be recognized and eliminated.2
A pilot study
I am a life-long human services professional committed to social justice, and with a
common demographic profile in the field: white, of middle-class status, and not
directly affected by incarceration. Through personal and professional activities, I
have come in contact with incarcerated and formerly incarcerated men and women
with strong skills and ambition for helping others and making a living at it. The
realization that I am unlikely to encounter such individuals as colleagues or
supervisors in my particular workplaces, and that this is a great loss on many levels,
1
As an example of challenging the ‘‘giving back’’ rationale, acknowledgement is given to a panel
moderated by Vivian Nixon, ‘‘From Prison to Empowerment: Women Advocates Take on the Criminal
Justice System,’’ held January 28, 2009, at New York University’s Wagner School of Public Service.
2
Stanley Richards of the Fortune Society, quoted for a Chronicle of Philanthropy article on the lack of
black men in the non-profit workforce and employing former prisoners, noted ‘‘You could be screening
out your next best employee’’ (Berkshire 2008).
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led me to do dissertation research on the experience that people with incarceration
histories have in the human services workforce.
A qualitative study is currently underway using semi-structured interviews to
gather perspectives from those directly affected by this problem. The research
question is, ‘‘what barriers and supports are experienced by persons who have been
formerly incarcerated in entering the human services workforce?’’ Inclusion criteria
are working in or pursuing work in the human services sector, having served at least
a year in prison, and having been out at least one year. The research design also
includes focus groups with interview participants to reflect on emergent themes, and
collateral interviews with decision makers in agencies that are known to hire people
with criminal records.
A pilot study was conducted with in January 2009 to test the interview
methodology, with three individuals participating. Although such a small-scale pilot
cannot be held up as having empirical validity, the confidential interviews yielded rich
data. Several identified themes are offered here as food for thought, with gratitude to
the interview participants who contributed their perspectives and experience. With the
pilot study, I chose not to ask explicitly for demographic information or details of
criminal records or sentences because the central focus of the research is on the
experience of entering the human service workforce. However, in analysis, it became
apparent that some background information will set context. Thus, a socialdemographic questionnaire has been incorporated into the full study. It can be noted
that the pilot participants were all over 30 years old, men of color, and had completed
sentences from 5 to 25 years. Direct quotes are within quotation marks in italics.
Summary of preliminary themes
Contributing workplace skills with special value
One of the most prominent themes was participants’ reflection of unique or superior
skills that they and their peers bring to the workplace. These included:
•
Work ethic and time management
Timeliness and the ability to multi-task were attributed to balancing involvement
in many organizations and programs, and working, volunteering, and going to
school in prison.
‘‘When you come out here and they’re only asking you to do a fraction of
that… you’re already in that mode of working in overdrive. So even when you
tone it down you still stand out.’’
•
Flexible leadership skills
Participants recounted an ability to emerge as leaders in interacting with
individuals or managing groups, by effectively adapting communication styles. This
was attributed to extensive experience in prison mentoring others formally and
informally, and teaching or leading large groups of peers, especially those mandated
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to group participation. ‘‘To be able to manage that effectively with no one fighting or
throwing stuff… there’s nothing out here that you can’t handle.’’
Knowing when to turn on or off ‘‘slang or swagger’’ was also a skill, as in using a
conventional professional persona when called for, or relating to someone who has
left prison just hours before as a first point of contact in a reentry organization: ‘‘You
have to remember how to explain, how to relate.’’
•
Ability to empathize yet avoid burnout
A core skill for human service professionals is ability to empathize with clients,
yet there is often a dynamic where experienced workers become frustrated and
jaded. Participants described having experienced many of the issues their clients are
dealing with, and having dealt with overwhelming frustration and anger in their
incarceration, and coming out on the other side. On his approach to dealing with the
frustration of a client using drugs who is not making changes he would like to see,
one participant said, ‘‘You probably have good suggestions and all these other
things, but that’s not what she does. So don’t get so frustrated that you quit on her.’’
•
Reliable intuition
Participants spoke of a sense of intuition that has value in the workplace, that
may be attributed to the need to size people and situations up instantaneously in
prison. For example, one participant noted that as he is exposed to formal education
in human services for the first time, ‘‘I hear the book definition of it, [and] that’s
what I was doing all of this time.’’ Another kind of example was given by a different
participant, on observing a hire in his workplace that did not work out: ‘‘I was
telling people before… I could have told you she was a nut.’’
•
Tolerance for bureaucracy
Participants noted how dealing with bureaucracy in prison built up a tolerance for
such circumstances in their human service work, especially in case management.
‘‘Hurry up to wait…that’s what prison is….You got to rush to get somewhere
and you got to wait forever…So then a guy comes out and he’s situated with
the same thing…What did you do before? Cause it’s not much different.’’
•
Ability to bring fresh ideas to fruition
Participants talked about coming into the work with a genuine enthusiasm and
being recognized as innovators in the work place.
‘‘And I had a lot of fresh ideas… I wanted to do things and that’s what [the
administration] wanted.’’
•
Sense of pragmatics
A consciousness of ‘‘human services as a business’’ was expressed as an
awareness for the bottom line and need for data-driven practices. One participant
explained how that consciousness was transferred from his previous role as a drug
dealer.
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‘‘So I guess in some ways I’m still thinking towards the line that the social
work process will be a business for me too….The data that they’re requiring,
I’m already organizing and gathering before I even started really doing a lot
of it [the work].’’
Peer support as vital for success
Participants spoke of support from peers as being transformative for getting through
their incarceration, getting started in the community after their release, and finding
employment.
‘‘Honestly without this network that I developed in prison I’d probably be lost.
I don’t know where I would be because not only did they give me suggestions,
give me different avenues to try and pursue employment, but they were there to
say, look, I’ve been through it.’’
Volunteers and visiting staff from the outside become a professional network
Participants spoke of the importance of connections they had made while
incarcerated with visiting representatives of human service organizations and
volunteers. These networks of connections helped them with their early reentry
experience and with initial and continuing employment opportunities.
‘‘I was very fortunate that, that I did a lot of work inside, on myself. And so
people recognized that. They were coming in to do the work, so I was helpful
to them, and they were helpful to me for… my release.’’
Agency administrators set precedent for hiring and retention
Organizational leaders were identified as key decision makers in initial hiring, and
as significant factors in retention and ensuring an equitable work environment. In
each case, a top or senior executive had made a personal commitment to consider
qualified reentering individuals for employment.
‘‘So I told the founder at the reentry center that I felt at home, and I wanted to
be part of the family. And he gave me an opportunity.’’
‘‘The CEO in my organization…She’s like one of my biggest supporters. And
she nipped [a situation where a coworker was spreading rumors about my
criminal record] in the bud quick….She addressed that a person’s personal
background is their personal background, and we’re not judging an individual
on his past. We’re judging him on his work performance.’’
Willingness to complete work-related tasks some might consider ‘‘menial’’
The participants noted that they stood out at work for being willing to take on tasks
that some employees might consider outside of their job. In particular, these tasks
include clerical work that was a part of prison working life.
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‘‘The menial things, I don’t mind doing. You know, the grunt work sometimes
people shy away from… I do it.’’
Making it on a limited salary
When asked about the viability of their salaries and benefits, the participants
described competence in living with minimal income and expectation that over time
their compensation would increase.
‘‘If I have to work at McDonald’s after work, just to work at my job I’ll do it
because to me my job is like a hobby…I try not to get, feed into keeping up
with the Joneses and stuff like that, you know?…. As long as I can keep doing
that, I don’t think I have a problem.’’
The issue of disclosure is complex
Navigating decision making around disclosure of a criminal record and incarceration history in the workplace is complex. There were differences in guiding
principles for disclosure in organizations with a reentry mission and in other human
service organizations. Participants described pros and cons of having their history
known.
‘‘[Initially] I thought it was important for me not to just involve myself with
formerly incarcerated because I’m bigger than that… I’m not just that. So I
don’t wear it on my sleeves… I’ll say that I chose not to disclose based on
what I got from the agency, without them directly saying it…If I would bring
that up [in supervision], they didn’t have an answer for me…’’
Role model dilemmas
The participants expressed particular dilemmas with regard to disclosure of their
incarceration histories in work circumstances where it could afford them street
credibility.
‘‘I’m a former gang member in one of the worst gangs…Now, I go to my
neighborhood still but…them young guys that heard about the stupidity and
ignorance I used to do out there, they look up to me [for the wrong reasons].’’
Concrete barriers
Barriers to finding and maintaining work and to pursuing education were
interspersed throughout the participants’ experience. While not only specific to
pursuing careers in human services, these underscore the difficulty of reentry.
‘‘Something that…that really kind of set me back was I never registered with
the selective services. And when I applied for a loan for grad school I was
denied [because of that]… What’s sad is that I cannot remember anybody ever
telling me that I needed to register for the selective services.’’
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Parole board as the ultimate preparation for job interviews
Participants pointed out that appearing before the parole board is a more intense
interviewing experience than most job interviews.
‘‘Let me say this, I did the interview of my life, I sat before the parole board.
So, there was nobody else that was going to have any [effect], as intimidating
as that process. Everything else for me after that was like, I’ll give you my
best, I’ll do what I can, the best that I can. And we’ll go from there. So that
kind of made me a little bit more at ease at these interviews.’’
Benign or flexible experiences with parole/probation officers
Each of the participants was released to some type of supervision and reported
positive or benign experiences with their parole or probation officers, supportive of
their work in human services. Systemic issues that can block employment or full
community life were also cited.
‘‘When you’re inside, and you’re networking, most of the resources are in the
five boroughs [of New York City, but I was paroled to an upstate county]. So in
the first two months when I came home I found myself commuting back and
forth… trying to get services and networking and… I’m fortunate that I had a
supportive parole officer that allowed me to commute like that.’’
Future ambitions include education and organizational leadership
Each of the participants described future plans including higher education
(including those already holding Master’s Degrees), and the founding or leadership
of human service organizations, including with a reentry focus.
‘‘We need to prepare for the big CEO’s for various companies and
organizations as well. Not just necessarily program directors or supervisors.
But what is that next level, who is that next stage? ‘Cause right now a lot of
times we find that we have a glass ceiling… So I’ll try and go back to school.’’
Critical concerns about organizational practices/funding mandates
At points in some interviews, experiences and observations were shared that
suggested a dissonance around being a representative of the employer, yet observing
that there are problems with program models or norms.
‘‘The grants we get is if you’ve been out less than a year… But I’m at the front
desk, I make sure these people are satisfactory for the program and for me to
turn people down was the worst, sometimes it would brings tears to my eyes
and to my heart…Sometimes you might have to break the rules or bend the
rules.’’
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Moving forward
The conventional perception of reentry and employment often focuses on deficits
and support needs for individuals with limited legal work history. In contrast, the
pilot interviews produced notable reflection on strengths brought to the human
services workplace, in many cases, strengths stemming from surviving and even
thriving in spite of being incarcerated. Vocational ‘‘soft skills,’’ which many
employment and reentry programs focus on, were very much in evidence as
participants described effective leadership experiences, self-motivation to excel, and
navigating interpersonal dynamics. It is my hope that findings of the full study will
spark reflection and dialogue on the viability of human service careers for building
the social and economic capital that is squandered by the prison reentry industry. A
qualitative interview study that elicits the lived experiences of formerly incarcerated
human service professionals is a first step. Logical next steps would include
gathering quantifiable data on hiring practices, e.g., a human services version of the
Pager (2007) audit study which empirically showed intractable racial and criminal
record bias among employers hiring for entry level jobs.
Acknowledgments Much appreciation to the …
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